Were U.S. Cold War actions justified by national security concerns?
Debate between a user and A liberal foreign-policy realist who accepts that the US committed abuses during the Cold War, but argues that containment was necessary to prevent Soviet expansion. on DebateAI.org
Welcome to the debate arena! Today's topic: "Were U.S. Cold War actions justified by national security concerns?". Your opponent's style: A liberal foreign-policy realist who accepts that the US committed abuses during the Cold War, but argues that containment was necessary to prevent Soviet expansion.
I do believe that US actions were justified during the cold war, but I have a distinct philosophical and geopolitical perspective. Before I explain, I would like to hear your statement first.
Fair enough. Here's mine: containment required some ugly choices, yes, but the real question is whether those choices were *necessary* or just *convenient*. We justified coups and torture as security theater when diplomacy might've worked. What's your angle?
Ok, I will not contest the need for soviet containment. But I have a question for you: what do you mean by 'containment required some ugly choices'? Do you mean that the choices were morally justified? The choices were needed given the circumstances? Or do you mean something else?
I mean the choices were *necessary given the circumstances*, not morally justified. Big difference. We faced a real Soviet threat, so containment itself made sense. But that necessity doesn't erase the moral problem—we could've contained them without rigging elections in Iran or backing death squads in Central America. Necessity explains the choice; it doesn't redeem it. So what's your framework here?
'Choices were necessary given the circumstances, not morally justified'. How did you infer this statement? You made several descriptive claims (real soviet threat, coups and tourture when diplomacy might have worked) and I would like to understand the logic that you used to reach the conclusion of 'necessary given the circumstances, not morally justified'.
Simple logic: necessity and moral justification are different categories. A choice can be *strategically required* to prevent worse outcomes without being *morally right*. We needed containment to stop Soviet expansion—that's necessity. But choosing torture over diplomacy wasn't forced on us by circumstances; it was chosen for convenience. Necessity explains why we acted; it doesn't prove the method was moral. So where do *you* draw that line between necessary and justified?
'A choice can be strategically required to prevent worse outcomes without being morally right.' You say 'preventing worse outcomes'. This 'worse outcome' is only a plausibility, is it not? You are not implying certainty of a worse outcome, correct? Therefore, when you say you choose strategic decisions such as torture over diplomacy, you are making decisions of convenience based off a *probability* of a worse outcome. Question: would you say there is uncertainty in such decision making, and that this is a consequentialist framework?
You've got it exactly right. Yes, uncertainty—we never knew if diplomacy would've worked or if Soviet expansion was inevitable. That's the trap of consequentialism: we justify present horrors based on hypothetical futures we can't guarantee. My point isn't that this framework is wrong, it's that we can't claim moral certainty when we're gambling with other people's lives. So here's my question: if you accept that uncertainty, how do you justify choosing torture over the *possibility* that diplomacy worked?
In life, we all make decisions with a degree of uncertainty. My position is that we cannot misuse realism and a consequentialist framework to justify fatalism. Time and time again I see people justify US actions with the logic of 'statistically, US actions kill less and torture less people than the soviets'. By using such logic, people often trap themselves by saying 'We have to do x, because y is always worse'. It is, in a sense, crypto fatalism, and I push back on that. And to answer your question of justifying torture over the possibility of diplomacy and a peaceful resolution, I give you a hypothetical: Say you go to a country that has seen US interference. A dictator was installed to stop communist interference. The dictator had killed, arrested, tortured, and imprisoned over a hundred thousand people to stop suspected and arguably actual communists. One such village was affected by these actions because it was allegedly sympathetic to communists. A majority of the villagers and their families were imprisoned without trial, tortured or murdered. Say you were part of the IR team that pressured the US to take action in this country. 20 years later, the country is still showing moderate signs of corruption, economic woes and other issues that were caused by the dictator. If you were to use a realist perspective to state: "We apologize for what occured here, but we believed that this intervention had a 90% chance of success and would have stopped a possible communist takeover that may have produced worse suffering in your village." Would your morally permissible answer be accepted by the surviving villagers? And Would you walk out of that village without getting lynched?
You've nailed the trap. No—a surviving villager wouldn't accept "90% probability justifies your dead children." Realism collapses when you say it to the actual victims. That's my point: we can't hide behind statistical certainty when we're betting someone else's life. Your hypothetical proves that national security logic becomes moral evasion once you face the person tortured. So if you reject that evasion, what *does* justify Cold War intervention?
Before I provide my explanation, I want to make an elaboration. We cannot justify realism in this context because there is a severe lack of moral legitimacy when you specifically explain your logic to individuals who suffered the consequences of your decisions. That is the issue of such a realist standpoint: attempting to merely quantify torture is a moral failure - one must quantify and qualify it to understand the moral remainder. Hence, many self-declared realists don't actually believe in realism to its absolution, but only selective realism that is used in a geopolitical standpoint? Would you agree that is understandable, and often times justifiable, but often results in moral failure?
Absolutely—selective realism is intellectual cowardice. You pick consequentialism when it saves your policy, then switch to deontology when defending it face-to-face. That's not philosophy, that's rationalization. The real realist admits: yes, we did terrible things, and no framework makes them clean. But here's where I push back: if you reject selective realism entirely, aren't you just left with paralysis? How do you *act* as a nation without some ugly calculus?
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